Detainees in Guantanamo
I haven't posted anything for a while with the holidays and all. I'll get back to recounting what happened a few years ago, but something has been sticking in my craw for a while. I know there's the War on Terror going on, at least according to CNN and the government, but what is happening down there in Gitmo with all the detainess from Afghanistan and other ports-of-call, who are supposed to be enemy combatants.
There are still about 660 detainess languishing in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. A big deal was made about the 60 who were released recently, like it was some kind of humanitarian gesture; however, 60 more were moved in to take their places. Some people, and it has not been determined whether some or all of them were actually "enemy combatants," have been there for two years without legal counsel and without a hearing by a court, judge, magistrate, hearing officer, or major league baseball commissioner. The government is so excited because it let ONE talk to a lawyer for a few minutes.
You probably read that the Supreme Court is taking up the question of whether the detention without any due process at all is legal. There's the government on one side and the detainees on the other. There is one U.S. citizen being held (not at Gitmo) who has filed suit and his case should be taken up by the Supreme Court, but there has been no ruling on whether the Court will review the Court of Appeals decision yet. There are a number of other interested parties, amici curiae or friends of the court in legal parlance, who are weighing in with their arguments for and against detention without hearings and without regard to the Geneva Convention or other laws.
I haven't read all of the briefs that were filed, but one piqued my curiosity enough to take a look. I have copied the summary of the argument (that;s part of the paperwork that was filed) as to why judicial review should be mandated by the Supreme Court in these cases and set it out below:
The principle that humanitarian norms apply to prisoners of war and others detained during armed conflicts has at last, following a long history of horrors in captivity, achieved near-universal acceptance. Most famously realized in the various Geneva Conventions negotiated in the wake of the two world wars, these norms confer upon detainees both substantive rights and the right to a judicial determination of their proper status, thereby providing a predictable level of protection to those who are among the most vulnerable of the victims of war.
The United States has ratified the Geneva Conventions, expressly incorporated them into its written military regulations, and adhered to them in prior conflicts. Over the past half-century, moreover, the United States has played a prominent role in demanding that detainees be treated by foreign governments in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. Recently, however, the United States’ treatment of detainees captured during the war on terrorism and its reluctance to reconcile its actions with the norms of the Geneva Conventions or submit them to the scrutiny of the courts, has resulted in widespread doubt about the United States’ actual commitment to those norms.
Genuine, demonstrated commitment to the principles of the Geneva Conventions is vital to the United States’ moral authority to demand compliance by other nations with those agreements. Contrary to the D.C. Circuit’s conclusion that the courts should not be involved in this process, development of this body of law requires rather than excludes a judicial role. Even where executive discretion is broadest, the fact of review is a formidable protection. And there is law to apply here: impartial tribunals are particularly well-suited to determine whether the detentions at issue comply with the procedural and substantive guarantees that find expression in the Geneva Conventions, United States military regulations, and the United States Constitution.
Indeed, the Conventions and military regulations themselves expressly contemplate the involvement of competent tribunals in making these determinations. Even if the detainees’ claims are ultimately deemed to lack merit, independent judicial review would erase the suspicion of executive overreach and provide the international community with assurances that the United States’ detentions are not arbitrary or in derogation of the Geneva Conventions.
Just as significantly, judicial review will enable the courts of the United States to contribute to the long-term development and evolution of international humanitarian law by giving meaning to, and filling the interstices in, the governing rules. This, in turn, will lead to a mature and stable body of rules that can be predictably applied by, and demanded of, all nations in all future conflicts.
What left-wing, bleeding hearts penned these ideas and take this position opposing the government?
Former American Prisoners of War.
They have walked a mile in the shoes, so to speak. The death rate of American POW's in German prison camps in WWII was 1%. Germany was a signatory nation of the Geneva Convention, as was the U.S. The death rate in Japanese prison camps was 40%. Japan did not ratify the Geneva Convention. Did the Germans treat all their prisoners better than their Japanese counterparts? Hardly. Russia did not sign the Geneva Convention, and over 50% of Russian POW's died while in German custody.
The former American POW's are concerned about future conflicts and the reciprocal shoddy treatment of future American POW's on account of the legal debacle in Guantanamo Bay.